Students at the Australian National University in Canberra have defeated an attempt by campus Labor clubs to abolish the environment collective. 
Almost 300 students attended a mass meeting on 26 March, at which the new ANU Students’ Association executive, representing both factions of the ALP student clubs, tried to amend the constitution to create a committee in place of the collective, strip 80 percent of its budget, place the new committee under strict executive oversight and strip students of the right to vote at meetings. 
The pretext for such a brazen assault on environmental activism came from an audit conducted by a consultancy firm last year. The firm, NFP Success, specialises in advising not-for-profit organisations on how to “reach new levels of excellence”. 
Yet student unions are not like other NGOs. Nor should they be. Student unions are activist bodies steeped in a democratic culture and shaped by leading fights for justice. The environment collective has a 50-year history of supporting campaigns such as the anti-war movement when the US and Australia invaded Iraq, the Woomera Detention Centre refugee breakout, the Aboriginal Tent Embassy, the climate strikes and the Palestine solidarity movement. 
Auditors like NFP Success have no sympathy for this history, as its recommendations show. While the Gaza Solidarity Encampment was still active last year, its governance review claimed that there had been “too much focus on pro-Palestine campaigning” and argued: “[I]t is crucial the president avoids becoming too involved in divisive political campaigns”. 
The new ANUSA executive has its own reasons for opposing the environment collective. The ALP student clubs are stacked with careerist apparatchiks loyally promoting party policy, such as support for fossil fuel expansion and Israel’s war on Gaza. The consultant’s report provided a pretext for them to go on the offensive. They froze the collective’s funds earlier this year and drafted constitutional changes to abolish it. This semester, they have publicly argued that students can’t be trusted to run the collective. 
Our victory was not guaranteed. The traditions of activist student unionism are not as strong as they used to be. And anti-activist arguments cloaked in legalism can always find an audience on university campuses. The ANUSA executive had the resources of the student union behind it, sending out several official all-student emails. It also had sizeable social networks through which to call in favours. Supporters of the ANUSA executive were even found to be bribing students with offers of free beers in exchange for their votes.
The fightback coalition included Socialist Alternative members, students from the Gaza Solidarity Encampment, the No Cuts at ANU campaign and, of course, members of the environment collective. 
We handed out leaflets around the campus, put up posters, made announcements in lectures, called around stay-in-touch lists and built networks through WhatsApp group chats. 
We only needed 25 percent of the vote to defeat the attack, but we won 42 percent. Importantly, our vote represented students who were won to a vision of left-wing, democratic, activist student unionism. 
Those traditions are more important now than ever as we stare down historic staff cuts, the threat of a rising far right inspired by Donald Trump, and the rolling catastrophes of climate disaster and war.

Nick Reich

How we saved the ANU environment collective

Workers feeling the sharp end of employer attacks on wages and conditions are doing it tough this Christmas. Coal miners at Oaky North in Queensland have been locked out since July. Workers at Esso’s Longford gas plant near Sale, Victoria, have been on strike since June, and maintenance workers at the Griffin coal mine in Collie, Western Australia, have been out since August. All are trying to defend hard-won entitlements.
Red Flag spoke to Collie maintenance workers, members of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union (AMWU), a few days before Christmas. Like most coal mining towns, Collie has a strong union tradition. When we arrived to find the picket empty, we asked the nearest group of people wearing hi-vis for help. They turned out to be unionists who worked at a local power plant.
“We’re all socialists here”, said the first person we spoke to, who gave us a beer each and called everyone he knew to get us in touch with the strikers. Soon, we were sitting down with a group of Griffin maintenance workers in the office of the local Labor MLA, himself a former coal worker.
The cause of the strike was the company’s decision to terminate its enterprise agreement in June 2016. The maintenance workers’ contract reverted to the award minimum, meaning an immediate 43 percent pay cut on a per-hour basis, and loss of entitlements. But even this wasn’t enough for Griffin.
“We believe the company has been manipulating the award”, said one striker. “One blatant one was they didn’t recognise Christmas Day and ANZAC day as public holidays.” Griffin also refused to pay sick leave on Sundays, demanded an unreasonable amount of overtime, and implemented a new family-unfriendly roster.
“It was evil. They’d done their best to make it as mean as possible.”
After a year on the award, with Griffin management showing no sign of wanting to negotiate a new agreement, the maintenance workers voted to walk out the gate to demand a new contract.
They were feeling the strain at Christmas after months without pay.
“I guess it’s a bit emotional for a lot of people now that it’s Christmas and perhaps you can’t do what you did with your family or for your kids or for others”, said one maintenance worker.
“Financially we’re hamstrung”, said another. “The guys that have got a big mortgage, kids and all that sort of thing, it does take its toll. You definitely tighten the purse strings for when its Christmas time.”
Donations from other unions and the community have kept them going, with two unions bringing Christmas presents for school-age kids from the affected families.
The strike is now the longest in Western Australian coal mining history, a record the maintenance workers never intended to set.
“Even we wouldn’t have expected to be here for this long. But they’re more than happy to string it out. They would love us to crumble.” Another chimed in: “You get the feeling that they’re trying to starve us out”.
For Griffin, the dispute seems to have become as much about teaching the unionists a lesson as it is about the money. In November, the company pulled its own offer from the table when the parties were close to reaching an agreement. The maintenance workers have been replaced with scab contractors paid more than what the strikers are asking, and Griffin has spent a fortune on legal fees. All this while the company says the strikers’ demands are unaffordable. One worker summed up Griffin’s attitude:
“Since we’ve been so strong and our camaraderie’s been really good, because they haven’t been able to break us and we’ve still been together, I think it’s a personal vendetta … to make sure they get the job done by ultimately smashing us … You just sort of get the idea that because we’ve said no to ’em on every turn and we just want that little bit of a better deal, now they’ve made it personal and they’re just out there to punish us.”
Everyone we spoke to expressed frustration at the rigged industrial laws. The picketers are not attempting to blockade the mine or stop production. Fair Work has threatened massive fines if they do.
“They can impose a loss on us but we can’t impose a loss on them … Fair Work doesn’t work”, was how one striker summed it up. “If only we could turn the power off for a week”, said another. “Imagine that! I’m sure somebody would ring!”
Despite the hardship, there is determination. The Collie strikers know that they are part of a nation-wide battle to maintain hard-won rights. Their message for the strikers at Esso and Oaky North was simple: “Stick together, stay strong … We’re really proud that they can stick together. And actually it gives us good morale too to keep on going”.
Red Flag also visited the picket line outside Esso’s Longford gas plant in Victoria. The workers there, also members of the AMWU, walked out in June over a new contract that offered a 30 percent pay cut. They also lost their roster arrangements of one week on, one week off and faced two, three or even four weeks in a row at the whim of management.
“This fight goes well beyond our own self-interests”, said Malcolm, an AMWU delegate at Esso, speaking of the fight to maintain wages and conditions across the country. “Basically, our resolve is so strong because we are in the right; we won’t succumb to their bullying and intimidation.”
The Esso strikers’ resolve is impressive, with pickets continuing without breaks over Christmas and New Year’s. “It’s so rewarding to be able to stand together with everyone and fight for our rights, even at Christmas”, said Malcolm. “It’s a comfort in itself to know that what we’re fighting for is a better place.”
The workers at Esso have also come face to face with the rigged industrial laws. Not only could they face fines if scabs were blocked from the workplace, but Fair Work has threatened them for simply raising their voices. On 21 December, a court injunction banned the workers from using a megaphone or derogatory language towards scabs.
About 20 workers have also received letters banning them from any property owned by Exxon-Mobil (Esso is the Australian affiliate of Exxon-Mobil), effectively blacklisting them from future work with Esso. This comes after 24/7 surveillance of the picket line by the company.
One Esso worker said his dad was arrested three times in a past dispute for lying on the road to stop scabs from crossing a picket line. “That’s why we’re out here”, he said. “Everything we have, someone’s old man got arrested for. We can’t just give it up – it wouldn’t be right.”
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To help out the workers at Oaky North, Collie and Gippsland, chip in to the Union families appeal: <a href="https://www.australianunions.org.au/union_families" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://www.australianunions.org.au/union_families</a>.

Lewis Todman

Christmas on the picket line

There’s not much being held back in the jeers hurled from the picket to those crossing the line to work. At the union protest outside the Longford gas plant in Gippsland, accusations that scabs “betray the spirit of Eureka” are directed towards those in sight of the picket line among a cacophony of recorded monkey noises and other cries from the crowd. 
A sombre call, “Remember 1998!” rings from one megaphone, referencing the catastrophic explosion at the plant that killed two workers. Everyone on the picket has heard the reports that a few weeks ago, one of the strikebreakers made a mistake that brought the plant close to another disaster of the same scale. 
After almost 150 days picketing, the energy and dedication of these sacked maintenance workers remains solid, seemingly unshakable. It’s clear that their resolve is buoyed by their understanding of the significance of this dispute. 
“We want to stop other companies using the same tactics to undermine their workers, because if we allow this to keep on happening, soon there’ll be nothing left”, explains Troy, a maintenance worker on the Bass Strait oil rig and an Australian Manufacturing Workers’ Union delegate. 
Troy, like the others, was employed by UGL, which has the maintenance contract for the jointly owned Exxon Mobile-BHP oil rig and gas processing plant. The dispute started almost five months ago when UGL sacked Troy and around 200 other skilled maintenance workers. It offered them their jobs back if they agreed to work under an inferior enterprise agreement. 
It’s an aggressive tactic intended to break the back of a well-unionised workforce and wreck the wages and conditions fought for and won over decades of struggle. The company has successfully employed the same strategy at a number of sites UGL is contracted to maintain, including at Altona in Melbourne and Darwin. 
The agreement UGL is trying to force its workers onto would cut wages by 30 percent and introduce an open-ended roster that would allow the company to roster them for two, three or more weeks straight before they can access one week off. Even then the company wants the power to cancel that one week if it deems it necessary.
A roster like this has been blamed for a raft of suicides at the Inpex LNG plant currently under construction in Western Australia. Refusing to be blackmailed into signing away their wages and conditions, the workers rejected taking their jobs back on the company’s terms. Instead, with the support of their unions, the AMWU, ETU and AWU, they immediately set up a protest site outside the plant.
I was at Longford on day 148 of the picket, and the mood was resolute. Only a minority of the sacked workers have gone back to work; most are holding out. The entrance to the picket is adorned with Eureka flags and the painted shipping container from the CUB picket last year, a reminder of the nearly identical 185-day dispute that ended with a victory at the brewery in Abbottsford. 
Referencing the CUB dispute is a reminder, not just that victory is possible, but also that this is not an isolated battle. These workers can see that bosses everywhere are exploiting industrial laws to push down wages and conditions. They are conscious that the push back will be led by the best organised sites, like their own. “If we continue to fight this, with the support we’re getting, we’ll fight until we win”, Troy says confidently. 
As lunch rolls around, a crowd of construction workers in orange coveralls stream into the picket and share sausages from the barbecue with us. They’re building a new section of the plant nearby. Every day they share lunch with the picketers. They also each make a generous weekly donation to the strike fund, which Troy says “keeps them going”. Speaking about the importance of a win, one of the construction workers says, “This is just the start of it; if it happens here, then we’ll see it at the next EBA and the next and the next”.
This image of dominoes falling seems to fit what’s happening here. Management has picked off section by section of the workforce and tried to isolate the Longford workers. This is why the solidarity of other workers and the support of the community are key to maintaining the determination of the picketers. “Sometimes you’ve got to take a stand and fight for a cause”, says the construction worker, “this is a fight worth fighting”.

How we saved the ANU environment collective

Christmas on the picket line

Longford gas dispute: ‘a fight worth fighting’

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